18th Century Podcast Episode 30 King George III’s Address To Parliament October 27th, 1775 Regarding the Rebellion In The American Colonies

Summary

This speech was delivered by King George III during the year 1775 after the colonies were declared to be in rebellion, to the Parliament of Great-Britain. This speech was read during the opening session of Parliament.

Speech

His Majesty’s most gracious speech to both Houses of Parliament, on Friday, October 27, 1775.

“THE present situation of America, and my constant desire to have your advice, concurrence and assistance, on every important occasion, have determined me to call you thus early together.

“Those who have long too successfully laboured to inflame my people in America by gross misrepresentations, and to infuse into their minds a system of opinions, repugnant to the true constitution of the colonies, and to their subordinate relation to Great-Britain, now openly avow their revolt, hostility and rebellion. They have raised troops, and are collecting a naval force; they have seized the public revenue, and assumed to themselves legislative, executive and judicial powers, which they already exercise in the most arbitrary manner, over the persons and property of their fellow-subjects: And altho’ many of these unhappy people may still retain their loyalty, and may be too wise not to see the fatal consequence of this usurpation, and wish to resist it, yet the torrent of violence has been strong enough to compel their acquiescence, till a sufficient force shall appear to support them.

“The authors and promoters of this desperate conspiracy have, in the conduct of it, derived great advantage from the difference of our intentions and theirs. They meant only to amuse by vague expressions of attachment to the Parent State, and the strongest protestations of loyalty to me, whilst they were preparing for a general revolt. On our part, though it was declared in your last session that a rebellion existed within the province of the Massachusetts Bay, yet even that province we wished rather to reclaim than to subdue. The resolutions of Parliament breathed a spirit of moderation and forbearance; conciliatory propositions accompanied the measures taken to enforce authority; and the coercive acts were adapted to cases of criminal combinations amongst subjects not then in arms. I have acted with the same temper; anxious to prevent, if it had been possible, the effusion of the blood of my subjects; and the calamities which are inseparable from a state of war; still hoping that my people in America would have discerned the traiterous views of their leaders, and have been convinced, that to be a subject of Great Britain, with all its consequences, is to be the freest member of any civil society in the known world.

“The rebellious war now levied is become more general, and is manifestly carried on for the purpose of establishing an independent empire. I need not dwell upon the fatal effects of the success of such a plan. The object is too important, the spirit of the British nation too high, the resources with which God hath blessed her too numerous, to give up so many colonies which she has planted with great industry, nursed with great tenderness, encouraged with many commercial advantages, and protected and defended at much expence of blood and treasure.

“It is now become the part of wisdom, and (in its effects) of clemency, to put a speedy end to these disorders by the most decisive exertions. For this purpose, I have increased my naval establishment, and greatly augmented my land forces; but in such a manner as may be the least burthensome to my kingdoms.

“I have also the satisfaction to inform you, that I have received the most friendly offers of foreign assistance; and if I shall make any treaties in consequence thereof, they shall be laid before you. And I have, in testimony of my affection for my people, who can have no cause in which I am not equally interested, sent to the garrisons of Gibraltar and Port-Mahon a part of my Electoral troops, in order that a larger number of the established forces of this kingdom may be applied to the maintenance of its authority; and the national militia, planned and regulated with equal regard to the rights, safety and protection of my crown and people, may give a farther extent and activity to our military operations.

“When the unhappy and deluded multitude, against whom this force will be directed, shall become sensible of their error, I shall be ready to receive the misled with tenderness and mercy ! and in order to prevent the inconveniencies which may arise from the great distance of their situation, and to remove as soon as possible the calamities which they suffer, I shall give authority to certain persons upon the spot to grant general or particular pardons and indemnities, in such manner, and to such persons as they shall think fit; and to receive the submission of any Province or Colony which shall be disposed to return to its allegiance. It may be also proper to authorise the persons so commissioned to restore such Province or Colony, so returning to its allegiance, to the free exercise of its trade and commerce, and to the same protection and security as if such Province or Colony had never revolted.

“Gentlemen of the House of Commons,

“I have ordered the proper estimates for the ensuing year to be laid before you; and I rely on your affection to me, and your resolution to maintain the just rights of this country, for such supplies as the present circumstances of our affairs require. Among the many unavoidable ill consequences of this rebellion, none affects me more sensibly than the extraordinary burthen which it must create to my faithful subjects.

“My Lords, and Gentlemen,

“I have fully opened to you my views and intentions. The constant employment of my thoughts, and the most earnest wishes of my heart, tend wholly to the safety and happiness of all my people, and to the re-establishment of order and tranquility through the several parts of my dominions, in a close connection and constitutional dependance. You see the tendency of the present disorders, and I have stated to you the measures which I mean to pursue for suppressing them. Whatever remains to be done, that may farther contribute to this end, I commit to your wisdom. And I am happy to add, that, as well from the assurances I have received, as from the general appearances of affairs in Europe, I see no probability that the measures which you may adopt will be interrupted by disputes with any foreign power.”

18th Century Podcast: Episode 29 The Hiding Place

Major John Andre, self portrait, drawing

Listen here: https://anchor.fm/cj123/episodes/18th-Century-Podcast-Episode-29-The-Hiding-Place-eamvba/a-a1e1tli

Summary

This episode is short and a bit on the darker side of the 18th Century. After the execution of Major John Andre of the British Military during the War Of American Independence, a poem was found on his persons. I’ll be giving a quick backstory to set the scene and then I will read the poem Major John Andre had on him as he died.

Script

Intro

Welcome back to the 18th Century Podcast. I am your host, Cj. In today’s episode, we’ll be reading the poem, The Hiding Place. I don’t typically read poetry on this podcast, but this poem does hold some significance. I have discussed Major John Andre of the British Military before, and I will talk about him again in future episodes. But the oversimplified version of his tale would be this, he worked in British intelligence during the American War For Independence. He made contact with American General Benedict Arnold and helped him switch sides. On his way back to British lines, Major Andre was caught and tried for Spying. He was executed by hanging. Though he was the enemy of the Americans, he was loved by his captors too. He accepted his fate, but wished to die by firing squad rather than hanging as their was more honor in it as a Gentleman and an Officer. He was executed as neither, but as a spy. The poem I am going to read for you today was found on his persons after he was executed. He had written the poem two days before his execution. The poem was originally published in 1776 in “Gospel Magazine” which Major Andre wrote from memory. If you’d like to read the script for this episode and its citations, go to 18thcentury.home.blog that’s 1, 8, t h, century dot home dot blog. Type the numbers don’t spell them. Now I shall read the poem that a condemned man wished to carry with him into death.

The Hiding Place

Hail, sovereign love, which first began
The scheme to rescue fallen man!
Hail, matchless, free, eternal grace,
That gave my soul a Hiding Place!

Against the God who built the sky
I fought with hands uplifted high,
Despised the mention of His grace,
Too proud to seek a Hiding Place.

Enwrapt in thick Egyptian night,
And fond of darkness more than light,
Madly I ran the sinful race,
Secure without a Hiding Place.

But thus the eternal counsel ran:
“Almighty love, arrest that man!”
I felt the arrows of distress,
And found I had no hiding place.

Indignant justice stood in view.
To Sinai’s fiery mount I flew;
But justice cried, with frowning face:
“This mountain is no hiding place”.

Ere long a heavenly voice I heard,
And Mercy’s angel soon appeared;
He led me with a placid pace
To Jesus, as a Hiding Place.

On Him almighty vengeance fell,
Which must have sunk a world to hell.
He bore it for a sinful race,
And thus became their Hiding Place.

Should sevenfold storms of thunder roll,
And shake this globe from pole to pole,
No thunderbolt shall daunt my face,
For Jesus is my Hiding Place.

A few more setting suns at most,
Shall land me on fair Canaan’s coast,
Where I shall sing the song of grace,
And see my glorious Hiding Place.

Outro

I hope for this episode you’ll be able to reflect on the mind of a condemned man beloved by all those which had the pleasure to meet him. When I discuss Major John Andre in the future, I may reference back to this episode. The script and citations for this episode and all other episodes can be found at 18thcentury.home.blog that’s 1, 8, t h, century dot home dot blog. Type the numbers don’t spell them. If you’d like to support the show, please share it and leave a review. I’ve been your host Cj, and thank you for listening to this episode of the 18th Century Podcast.

Citations

“Poetry: The Hiding Place.” Poetry: The Hiding Place | Believer’s Magazine, http://www.believersmagazine.com/bm.php?i=20110713.

18th Century Podcast: Episode 28 Some Books

Listen here: https://anchor.fm/cj123/episodes/18th-Century-Podcast-Episode-28-Some-Books-eahs9p/a-a1cq029

Summary

In this episode of The 18th Century Podcast, I discuss some of the books I own that are related to the 18th Century. This is an Unscripted episode.

Transcript

Coming at some point…

List of books

  • George Washington’s Secret Six: The Spy Ring That Saved The American Revolution, By: Brian Kilmeade and Don Yeager
  • First Entrepreneur: How George Washington Built His–and the Nation’s–Prosperity, By: Edward G. Lengel
  • Two Treatises of Government and A Letter Concerning Toleration, By: John Locke, Editor: Ian Shapiro, Contributors: John Dunn, Ruth W. Grant, Ian Shapiro
  • A New Manual, And Platoon Exercise: With An Explanation. By: Adjutant General Edward Harvey
  • The First American Cookbook, A Facsimile of “American Cookery,” 1796, By: Amelia Simmons
  • The Art Of Cookery Made Plain And Easy, By: Mrs. Glasse, Intorduction and with modern Improvements by: Karen Hess
  • The Autobiography of Thomas Jefferson, 1743-1790, By: Thomas Jefferson, Editor: Paul Leicester Ford, Introduction by: Michael Zuckerman
  • The Jefferson Bible, Arranged by: Thomas Jefferson
  • Paine Collected Writings, By: Thomas Paine
  • The Art Of Procuring Pleasant Dreams, By: Benjamin Franklin
  • Book Of Virtues, By: Benjamin Franklin
  • The Autobiography Of Benjamin Franklin, By: Benjamin Franklin, Prepared and annotated with introduction by editors of: The Papers Of Benjamin Franklin, Foreword by: Edmund S. Morgan

18th Century Podcast: Episode 24 Thomas Jefferson Letter To Patsy Dec. 11, 1783

Thomas Jefferson 1791

Listen here: https://anchor.fm/cj123/episodes/18th-Century-Podcast-Episode-24-Thomas-Jefferson-Letter-To-Patsy-Dec–11–1783-e9cmng/a-a145p5o

Summary

In this episode of the 18th Century Podcast, I read a letter Thomas Jefferson wrote to his daughter Patsy. My apologies for no episode the prior week, other work was catching up with me and I did not have time to record an episode. This episode is brief, but I hope it will stisfy you until next week’s episode on Christmas in the 18th Century. I still have a few things left to figure out for that episode, but just know it will be on Christmas. But some context for this letter. At the time it was written, Patsy, Thomas Jefferson’s eldest surviving daughter was 11 years old at the time this letter was written.

Letter

Thomas Jefferson 1786

Annapolis Dec. 11. 1783

My Dear Patsy

I wrote you by the post this day fortnight, since which I have received two letters from you. I am afraid that you may not have sent to the post office and therefore that my letter may be still lying there. Tho’ my business here may not let me write to you every week yet it will not be amiss for you to enquire at the office every week. I wrote to Mr. House by the last post. Perhaps his letter may still be in the office. I hope you will have good sense enough to disregard those foolish predictions that the world is to be at an end soon. The almighty has never made known to any body at what time he created it, nor will he tell any body when he means to put an end to it, if ever he means to do it. As to preparations for that event, the best way is for you to be always prepared for it. The only way to be so is never to do nor say a bad thing. If ever you are about to say any thing amiss or to do any thing wrong, consider before hand. You will feel something within you which will tell you it is wrong and ought not to be said or done: this is your conscience, and be sure to obey it. Our maker has given us all, this faithful internal Monitor, and if you always obey it, you will always be prepared for the end of the world: or for a much more certain event which is death. This must happen to all: it puts an end to the world as to us, and the way to be ready for it is never to do a wrong act. I am glad you are proceeding regularly under your tutors. You must not let the sickness of your French master interrupt your reading French, because you are able to do that with the help of your dictionary. Remember I desired you to send me the best copy you should make of every lesson Mr. Cimitiere should set you. In this I hope you will be punctual, because it will let me see how you are going on. Always let me know too what tunes you play. Present my compliments to Mrs. Hopkinson, Mrs. House and Mrs. Trist. I had a letter from your uncle Eppes last week informing me that Polly is very well, and Lucy recovered from an indisposition. I am my dear Patsy Your affectionate father,

Th: Jefferson

Martha "Patsy" Jefferson

Citation

“From Thomas Jefferson to Martha Jefferson, 11 December 1783,” Founders Online, National Archives, accessed September 29, 2019, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Jefferson/01-06-02-0303. [Original source: The Papers of Thomas Jefferson, vol. 6, 21 May 1781–1 March 1784, ed. Julian P. Boyd. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1952, pp. 380–381.]

18th Century Podcast: Episode 22 A Letter to a Royal Academy About Farting

Benjamin Franklin at a desk

Listen here: https://anchor.fm/cj123/episodes/18th-Century-Podcast-Episode-22-A-Letter-to-a-Royal-Academy-About-Farting-e90h6u/a-a11j5ob

Summary

In this episode of the 18th Century Podcast, I read an essay Benjamin Franklin wrote about farting in 1781. I think most people forget that people back in the 18th Century were human too, and did have a sense of humor. Benjamin Franklin was known for his humor and I think this lighthearted episode is well needed and deserved. Sit back, relax, and enjoy the soothing sounds of the words of Ben Franklin as he gives his elegant thoughts on farting.

Essay

GENTLEMEN,

I have perused your late mathematical Prize Question, proposed in lieu of one in Natural Philosophy, for the ensuing year, viz. “Une figure quelconque donnee, on demande d’y inscrire le plus grand nombre de fois possible une autre figure plus-petite quelconque, qui est aussi donnee”. I was glad to find by these following Words, “l’Acadeemie a jugee que cette deecouverte, en eetendant les bornes de nos connoissances, ne seroit pas sans UTILITE”, that you esteem Utility an essential Point in your Enquiries, which has not always been the case with all Academies; and I conclude therefore that you have given this Question instead of a philosophical, or as the Learned express it, a physical one, because you could not at the time think of a physical one that promis’d greater Utility.

Permit me then humbly to propose one of that sort for your consideration, and through you, if you approve it, for the serious Enquiry of learned Physicians, Chemists, &c. of this enlightened Age.

It is universally well known, That in digesting our common Food, there is created or produced in the Bowels of human Creatures, a great Quantity of Wind.

That the permitting this Air to escape and mix with the Atmosphere, is usually offensive to the Company, from the fetid Smell that accompanies it.

That all well-bred People therefore, to avoid giving such Offence, forcibly restrain the Efforts of Nature to discharge that Wind.

That so retain’d contrary to Nature, it not only gives frequently great present Pain, but occasions future Diseases, such as habitual Cholics, Ruptures, Tympanies, &c. often destructive of  the Constitution, & sometimes of Life itself.

Were it not for the odiously offensive Smell accompanying such Escapes, polite People would probably be under no more Restraint in discharging such Wind in Company, than they are in spitting, or in blowing their Noses.

My Prize Question therefore should be, To discover some Drug wholesome & not disagreable, to be mix’d with our common Food, or Sauces, that shall render the natural Discharges of Wind from our Bodies, not only inoffensive, but agreable as Perfumes.

That this is not a chimerical Project, and altogether impossible, may appear from these Considerations. That we already have some Knowledge of Means capable of Varying that Smell. He that dines on stale Flesh, especially with much Addition of Onions, shall be able to afford a Stink that no Company can tolerate; while he that has lived for some Time on Vegetables only, shall have that Breath so pure as to be insensible to the most delicate Noses; and if he can manage so as to avoid the Report, he may any where give Vent to his Griefs, unnoticed. But as there are many to whom an entire Vegetable Diet would be inconvenient, and as a little Quick-Lime thrown into a Jakes will correct the amazing Quantity of fetid Air arising from the vast Mass of putrid Matter contain’d in such Places, and render it rather pleasing to the Smell, who knows but that a little Powder of Lime (or some other thing equivalent) taken in our Food, or perhaps a Glass of Limewater drank at Dinner, may have the same Effect on the Air produc’d in and issuing from our Bowels? This is worth the Experiment. Certain it is also that we have the Power of changing by slight Means the Smell of another Discharge, that of our Water. A few Stems of Asparagus eaten, shall give our Urine a disagreable Odour; and a Pill of Turpentine no bigger than a Pea, shall bestow on it the pleasing Smell of Violets. And why should it be thought more impossible in Nature, to find Means of making a Perfume of our Wind than of our Water?

For the Encouragement of this Enquiry, (from the immortal Honour to be reasonably expected by the Inventor) let it be considered of how small Importance to Mankind, or to how small a Part of Mankind have been useful those Discoveries in Science that have heretofore made Philosophers famous. Are there twenty Men in Europe at this Day, the happier, or even the easier, for any Knowledge they have pick’d out of Aristotle? What Comfort can the Vortices of Descartes give to a Man who has Whirlwinds in his Bowels! The Knowledge of Newton’s mutual Attraction of the Particles of Matter, can it afford Ease to him who is rack’d by their mutual Repulsion, and the cruel Distensions it occasions? The Pleasure arising to a few Philosophers, from seeing, a few Times in their Life, the Threads of Light untwisted, and separated by the Newtonian Prism into seven Colours, can it be compared with the Ease and Comfort every Man living might feel seven times a Day, by discharging freely the Wind from his Bowels? Especially if it be converted into a Perfume: For the Pleasures of one Sense being little inferior to those of another, instead of pleasing the Sight he might delight the Smell of those about him, & make Numbers happy, which to a benevolent Mind must afford infinite Satisfaction. The generous Soul, who now endeavours to find out whether the Friends he entertains like best Claret or Burgundy, Champagne or Madeira, would then enquire also whether they chose Musk or Lilly, Rose or Bergamot, and provide accordingly. And surely such a Liberty of Expressing one’s Scent-iments, and pleasing one another, is of infinitely more Importance to human Happiness than that Liberty of the Press, or of abusing one another, which the English are so ready to fight & die for. — In short, this Invention, if compleated, would be, as Bacon expresses it, bringing Philosophy home to Mens Business and Bosoms. And I cannot but conclude, that in Comparison therewith, for universal and continual UTILITY, the Science of the Philosophers above-mentioned, even with the Addition, Gentlemen, of your “Figure quelconque” and the Figures inscrib’d in it, are, all together, scarcely worth a

FART-HING.

Citations

Franklin, Benjamin. “A Letter to a Royal Academy About Farting.” Teaching American History, https://teachingamericanhistory.org/library/document/to-the-royal-academy-of-farting/.

18th Century Podcast: Episode 19 Culper Letters

Benjamin Tallmadge

Listen here: https://anchor.fm/cj123/episodes/18th-Century-Podcast-Episode-19-Culper-Letters-e6ol5u/a-argpk5

Summary

In this unscripted episode of the 18th Century Podcast, listen to me stumble reading 3 of the Culper Letters from the American Revolution. The Culper Spy Ring was the first American Spy ring.

Letters

Enclosure
Samuel Culper to Major Benjamin Tallmadge

No. 7

Jany 22. 1779

Sir

Your No. 4 came to hand, And observed the Contents. Your approbation of my Intelligence is highly pleasing to me. I Shall use my best endevours to Serve you and think I am under good advantages to do it. I cannot give you any Incouragement about makeing any Incursion on L. Island with Small parties. I know not of any Officer So detached from his Corps that a Small Party might Surprise him, I must Informe you that Continentall Money will not Serve me; It is much lower here now than it was Some time ago, It now Sells for 15 p. C., Priced current See Separate The danger I apprehended of miscairage mentiond in my last was owing to my freinds fear (the Enemy lately being very Strict) but hath bene no disservice, As nothing Material transpired in the Interim, Except the Storme did Some damge to the Shiping. The Mail that arived mentioned in my last brought nothing Material that I Could lerne. Within few days have had an opportunity of Safely Visiting allmost every Quarter of the Enemy have had two agreeable Tours with good Company to Kings Brige Spent Some time at Genl Tryons Quarters and treated with respect, Tryon Said the War was almost at an end, and that Peace Would be made in Urope. I do not in the leas doubt it but in two Month Amarican Independence will be Acknowledged by Britan; I Could not discover any thing different from what I have heretofore informed you of except the 44 Regn. is there and think now you have Certainly got an account of every Regn. on the Two Islands I Shall betwixt now and the Midle of march give you a new account of the Genl and Regn. on the three Islands—the Cork Fleet Consisted of 28 Ships, Sailed under Convoy of the Maria Friget & the Notinham East Indiaman and about Christmas they were Separated by a violent Gale of Wind and have bene ever Since the 10 Instant Continualy droping in togather with Some Ships from Hallifax and Some Comeing up from Staten Island that made it So difficult although upon the Spot I Cannot Certainly determin how hath arived but fully beleive their Missing Perhaps Eight or ten. They have Such a Supply of Provision now that they Will not Suffer their is a Fleet from Engld dayly expected with near 5000 Barrels of flour Mostly Private Property which will all help to Serve them that you need not have any hopes of Starveing them out now the English Papers Say the French & Spanish Fleets hath Joyned and gone against Gibralter amounting to Seventy five Sail of the line and many other Such favourable accounts their is about 40 or 50 Troops With baggage and Woman that was left as gards at Hempsteed & Jerico on their March to South Hampton—It is Suspectd their is an expedition on foot Perhaps to make Some little Incursion into the Country for to plunder We dayly now expect the kings Speech Shall forward it asson as it arives and wish it may be favourable in the mean time I remain your most Obt Hl. Servt

Samuel Culper

Enclosure
Samuel Culper to Major Benjamin Tallmadge

No. 17

20 July 9. 1779

Sir

It is now, a long time Since I have heard from you—And wheather you mean to Continue the coresspondence—I Cannot tell or your Coast So Interupted thats impractible nevertheless I have not neglected my duty and determined to be Prepared exactly at every appointment that 40, may not be detaind here—I yesterday had an Opportunity of Seeing Mr Culper Junr And repeated—again all my instructions ever received from you have keep no Secret from him—And have Consulted every thing and hes determined to Pursue every Step that he may Judge for advantage and is determined asson as I can comunicate to him your authority for my engageing him, he will disengage himself from every other buisiness which at Present affords him a handsom liveing—hes Aloued to be a person of good Sence and Judgment And his firmeness and friendship towards our Country I do assure you need not doubt I have known him Several years, and Confident he is a Sincere freind. And will be frugal of all Moneys he may receive And hath undertaken it Solely for to be Some advantage to our distressed Country—And have determined to forward you for the future Weekly Intelligence if Possible. As I have Concluded to remain here as long as I Possible Can (Although I look upon my Self all the time in danger) for the Sole Purpos of advantage to our Corespondence.

Below is what Intelligene I Could gain from C. Jur, it is but trifeling but he assured thers nothing more worthy of notice on the 4 10 Sail arrived from Hallifax under Convoy of the Romulus of 44 guns with about one hundred of the new raised Scotch beleive the Duck of Athols. Same day 10 Sail Sailed for Cork on the 6 10 Sail of Merchantmen from the West Indes but Brought nothing new only that Adml Byron was a Cruseing for a reinforcement that was expected to Joyne Count De Estang. on the 4 a Packet arrived from Georgia With an Account of Genl Prevosst being with his Army 16 Miles South of C Town on St Johns Island, hardly any thing is said about the enemy in that Quarter. he tells me the Spirits of the Enemy in Genl are much Lower than heretofore or Some time gone and that he hrd a very Noted Refugee Say there Would certainly be a Peace or a Spanish war in four weeks. the times groes worse within the Enemys lines and Protection for those Called rebels is allmost Banished, in fact Refugees they are let loss to Punder within and without their lines Parties of them are hideing in the Woods and laying Wait for the unwary and Ignorant to deceive them puting on the Charecter of Peopele from your Shore and have Succeeded in there design too well, carried of 10 or 12 Men and Striped their houses lately from about 20, the Roads from here to 10 is infested by them, and likewise the Shores that Maks our Corespondence very dangerous and requires great Cair and a Strict observance of the before mentioned Charecters and circumstances that may tend to discover the Scheam of raising a Regmt of Men by a Draughft of the Millita of L. Island is not Dropt nor Put in Practice. I With Sorrow beheld the Smock of your Towns. And very desereous to here the event. from the report of guns it is Judged you made a desparate defence, Freinds are all in health And Wish for their deliverans. and in the Interim am yours Sincerely

Samuel Culper

N.B.—Culper Jur Should now be furnished With Some Money I gave him 4 Joes on the 8 Instant.

Enclosure
Samuel Culper to Major Benjamin Tallmadge

20 July 15 1779

Sir

Mr C. Junr informed me at our Intervew that Christofer Dycink Sail Maker of 10 formerly Chairman of the Committee of Mechanicks is amongst you and is positively an agent for David Mathews Mayor of 10, under the direction of Tryon. he assisted Mathews John Rome—and others in effecting their escape Mr C. Junr Wishes for Some of that Ink or Stain that he may Paint out his Charecter to you—dont fail to forward it Imediately. And When you receive the History of his Conduct be very Causious how you handle it for if it Should get to the above Mentioned Persons ears Cu. Junr tells me They would imediately Suspect him—In the mean Time I Would advise and is approved on by Culper Junr Obtain the Mayors Signature and let a Letter be wrote Sutable for deception—and let it be handed him by Some Person of good address Praying his assistance to escape from the Tiranny of Congress which is the terme used by the Mayor—or Sometheng like this Plan I do not doubt will have the desireed effect John Rome is Secretary to M. Genl Jones—it is not in my Power to favour you with the Mayors Signature at Present. I am your &c.

Samuel Culper

Citations

“Enclosure: Samuel Culper to Major Benjamin Tallmadge, 22 January 1779,” Founders Online, National Archives, accessed September 29, 2019, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-19-02-0092-0002. [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 19, 15 January–7 April 1779, ed. Philander D. Chase and William M. Ferraro. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2009, pp. 100–102.]

“Enclosure: Samuel Culper to Major Benjamin Tallmadge, 9 July 1779,” Founders Online, National Archives, accessed September 29, 2019, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-21-02-0576-0002. [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 21, 1 June–31 July 1779, ed. William M. Ferraro. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2012, pp. 710–712.]

“Enclosure: Samuel Culper to Major Benjamin Tallmadge, 15 July 1779,” Founders Online, National Archives, accessed September 29, 2019, https://founders.archives.gov/documents/Washington/03-21-02-0576-0003. [Original source: The Papers of George Washington, Revolutionary War Series, vol. 21, 1 June–31 July 1779, ed. William M. Ferraro. Charlottesville: University of Virginia Press, 2012, pp. 712–713.]

18th Century Podcast Episode 13 Dueling

18th Century sword duel

Listen here: https://anchor.fm/cj123/episodes/18th-Century-Podcast-Episode-13-Dueling-e516uh/a-al876d

Summary

In this episode of the 18th Century Podcast we’ll take a look at dueling. First I’ll read the Code Duello, which was practically the instruction manual for duels, then we’ll take a look at a brief history of duels, then I’ll tell you a little story of a duel which may have happened in 1792 called, The Petticoat Duel.

Script


INTRO

Welcome back to the 18th Century Podcast. I am your host, Cj. In today’s episode, we’ll take a look at Dueling. We’ll kick things off by reading the Code Duello. Afterward, we’ll continue by covering some of the histories of duels and their importance to society in the 18th Century. If you’d like to read the script for this episode and its citations, go to 18thcentury.home.blog that’s 1, 8, t h, century dot home dot blog. Type the numbers don’t spell them. Let’s get into it with, the Code Duello.

PART 1 CODE DUELLO

I. The first offence requires the first apology, though the retort may have been more offensive than the insult. Example: A tells B he is impertinent, etc. B retorts that he lies; yet A must make the first apology, because he gave the first offence, and (after one fire) B may explain away the retort by subsequent apology.

II. But if the parties would rather fight on, then, after two shots each (but in no case before), B may explain first and A apologize afterwards.

N.B. The above rules apply to all cases of offences in retort not of a stronger class than the example.

III. If a doubt exists who gave the first offence, the decision rests with the seconds. If they will not decide or cannot agree, the matter must proceed to two shots, or to a hit if the challenger requires it.

IV. When the lie direct is the first offence, the aggressor must either beg pardon in express terms, exchange two shots previous to apology, or three shots followed by explanation, or fire on till a severe hit be received by one party or the other.

V. As a blow is strictly prohibited under any circumstances among gentlemen, no verbal apology can be received for such an insult. The alternatives, therefore, are: The offender handing a cane to the injured party to be used on his back, at the same time begging pardon, firing until one or both are disabled; or exchanging three shots and then begging pardon without the proffer of the cane.

N.B. If swords are used, the parties engage until one is well blooded, disabled, or disarmed, or until, after receiving a wound and blood being drawn, the aggressor begs pardon.

VI. If A gives B the lie and B retorts by a blow (being the two greatest offences), no reconciliation can take place till after two discharges each or a severe hit, after which B may beg A’s pardon for the blow, and then A may explain simply for the lie, because a blow is never allowable, and the offence of the lie, therefore, merges in it. (See preceding rule.)

N.B. Challenges for undivulged causes may be conciliated on the ground after one shot. An explanation or the slightest hit should be sufficient in such cases, because no personal offence transpired.

VII. But no apology can be received in any case after the parties have actually taken their ground without exchange of shots.

VIII. In the above case no challenger is obliged to divulge his cause of challenge (if private) unless required by the challenged so to do before their meeting.

IX. All imputations of cheating at play, races, etc., to be considered equivalent to a blow, but may be reconciled after one shot, on admitting their falsehood and begging pardon publicly.

X. Any insult to a lady under a gentleman’s care or protection to be considered as by one degree a greater offence than if given to the gentleman personally, and to be regarded accordingly.

XI. Offences originating or accruing from the support of ladies’ reputations to be considered as less unjustifiable than any others of the same class, and as admitting of slighter apologies by the aggressor. This is to be determined by the circumstances of the case, but always favourably to the lady.

XII. No dumb firing or firing in the air is admissible in any case. The challenger ought not to have challenged without receiving offence, and the challenged ought, if he gave offence, to have made an apology before he came on the ground; therefore children’s play must be dishonourable on one side or the other, and is accordingly prohibited.

XIII. Seconds to be of equal rank in society with the principals they attend, inasmuch as a second may either choose or chance to become a principal and equality is indispensable.

XIV. Challenges are never to be delivered at night, unless the party to be challenged intends leaving the place of offence before morning; for it is desirable to avoid all hot- headed proceedings.

XV. The challenged has the right to choose his own weapons unless the challenger gives his honour he is no swordsman, after which, however, he cannot decline any second species of weapon proposed by the challenged.

XVI. The challenged chooses his ground, the challenger chooses his distance, the seconds fix the time and terms of firing.

XVII. The seconds load in presence of each other, unless they give their mutual honours that they have charged smooth and single, which shall be held sufficient.

XVIII. Firing may be regulated, first, by signal; secondly by word of command; or, thirdly at pleasure, as may be agreeable to the parties. In the latter case, the parties may fire at their reasonable leisure, but second presents and rests are strictly prohibited.

XIX. In all cases a misfire is equivalent to a shot, and a snap or a non-cock is to be considered a misfire.

XX. Seconds are bound to attempt a reconciliation before the meeting takes place or after sufficient firing or hits as specified.

XXI. Any wound sufficient to agitate the nerves and necessarily make the hand shake must end the business for that day.

XXII. If the cause of meeting be of such a nature that no apology or explanation can or will be received, the challenged takes his ground and calls on the challenger to proceed as he chooses. In such cases firing at pleasure is the usual practice, but may be varied by agreement.

XXIII. In slight cases the second hands his principal but one pistol, but in gross cases two, holding another case ready charged in reserve.

XXIV. When the second disagree and resolve to exchange shots themselves, it must be at the same time and at right angles with their principals. If with swords, side by side, with five paces’ interval.

XXV. No party can be allowed to bend his knee or cover his side with his left hand, but may present at any level from the hip to the eye.

XXVI. None can either advance or retreat if the ground is measured. If no ground be measured, either party may advance at his pleasure, even to the touch of muzzles, but neither can advance on his adversary after the fire, unless the adversary steps forward on him.

N.B. The seconds on both sides stand responsible for this last rule being strictly observed, bad cases having occurred from neglecting it.

N.B. All matters and doubts not herein mentioned will be explained and cleared up by application to the Committee, who meet alternately at Clonmel and Galway at the quarter sessions for that purpose.”

PART 2 HISTORY

Well continue with a brief history of dueling, and I’ll explain what I previously read for better context. The act of dueling goes back centuries and it’s difficult to pinpoint the exact location where duels began, but it is easier to trace down the origin of the word, duel. The word duel most likely derives from the Latin word, duellum, which means, war between two. This art of single combat wasn’t strictly speaking, regulated until the sixth century when the King of Burgundy incorporated trial by combat. Trial by combat was a legal duel to decide the innocence or guilt of a person through a duel. Yet private duels between two people would come to be illegal, even though trial by combat would persist for a time. Duels would become more pronounced through the upper rings of society during the Italian Renaissance, and we would see it spread through the military ranks as well. Codes of conducting duels would spring up and treatises would be written on the topic. The core idea of a duel was to preserve one’s honor. The rules of conduct would change over the centuries, but the core idea remained the same. These honor duels would spread out of Italy and into France, and the rest of Europe. Dueling in the 18th Century was officially illegal, but it didn’t stop participants. In 1777, the Irish Code Duello was written, which codified the tradition of the 18th Century. The idea of honor was staked to the idea of being a Gentleman in the 18th Century, and if you haven’t listened to the episode on being a Gentleman in the18th Century yet, I recommend that you go back and listen to it. If your honor was offended, you must seek satisfaction, or face social consequences. Regarding the weaponry used in duels, swords were the most common for the majority of dueling history. However, once the 18th Century rolled around, and due to the prevalence of firearms, pistols slowly overtook the sword. Eventually, pistols were specifically developed for dueling, and they would get the original name of, Dueling Pistols. Dueling would find a home in the Americas in the 17th Century. This tradition would cross the waters too, but it would find it’s home more in the Southern colonies rather than the Northern due to a stronger sense of honor culture in the South, which continued into the 19th Century. Even though duels were prevalent, the fatality rate was lower than one would expect, being around 20%. Now, we’re going to take a short break, and when we come back, I’ll tell you a little tale of a duel.

PART 3 THE PETTICOAT DUEL

Welcome back. I want to wrap things up with this episode telling you a story about a duel, but not just any duel, The Petticoat Duel. I would like to note that this duel is probably fictitious, but the jury is still out on this one, no matter as it’s still an interesting story which originated close to the period. The Petticoat Duel began in 1792, England. It all began by an exchange between two ladies, Mrs. Elphinstone, and Lady Braddock. They were having a conversation over tea, and as time went on, and Mrs. Elphinstone made a comment over Lady Braddock’s age. Mrs. Elphinstone claimed that Lady Braddock was forty years old, and Lady Braddock asserted she wasn’t even thirty yet. Over such a great offense, Lady Braddock challenged Mrs. Elphinstone to a duel, they were set to meet in Hyde Park. The duel would begin with pistols between the two women. Lady Braddock would prove to be a poor shot, but Mrs. Elphinstone had fate on her side, shooting a hole through Lady Braddock’s hat. Each of their seconds begged them to end the duel, and that Mrs. Elphinstone issue an apology, which, she didn’t. Lady Braddock still demanded satisfaction over the age comment. The duel progressed to swords. They slashed at each other, and metal clashed. At some point, Lady Braddock landed a blow on Mrs. Elphinstone’s sword arm, and the duel was complete. Lady Braddock had received satisfaction, and the two women left the field. This story originally ran in a magazine called the Carlton House Magazine, in 1792.

OUTRO

I hope this episode brought you some insight into the world of dueling during the 18th Century. It wasn’t a pretty thing, but honor culture was highly prevalent during the time. Even if The Petticoat Duel never occurred, it’s a perfect example of how a duel could be instigated over the smallest of things, and it’s a great representation of the period. The script and citations for this episode and all other episodes can be found at https://18thcentury.home.blog that’s 1, 8, t h, century dot home dot blog. Type the numbers don’t spell them. If you’d like to support the show, please share it and leave a review. I’ve been your host Cj, and thank you for listening to this episode of the 18th Century Podcast.

CITATIONS

Irish Code Duello, or The Twenty-Six Commandments. 7 Feb. 2007, http://www.sos.mo.gov/CMSImages/MDH/CodeDuello.pdf.

Krystal, Arthur. “En Garde!” The New Yorker, The New Yorker, 18 June 2017, http://www.newyorker.com/magazine/2007/03/12/en-garde.

Chris. “Dueling History: An Affair of Honor.” The Art of Manliness, 3 Nov. 2018, http://www.artofmanliness.com/articles/man-knowledge-an-affair-of-honor-the-duel/.

Major, Joanne. “The ‘Petticoat Duellists’ of 1792.” All Things Georgian, 7 Nov. 2018, georgianera.wordpress.com/2014/08/05/the-petticoat-duellists-of-1792/.

Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775.

Patrick Henry speech to Congress 1775, give me liberty or give me death.

Listen here: https://anchor.fm/cj123/episodes/18th-Century-Podcast-Episode-9-Give-Me-Liberty-Or-Give-Me-Death-Speech-e4lp9d/a-aj456a

Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death 

Patrick Henry, March 23, 1775. 

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities, of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But different men often see the same subject in different lights; and, therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time for ceremony. The question before the House is one of awful moment to this country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I revere above all earthly kings. Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men, engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty? Are we disposed to be of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it. I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves, sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be free– if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for which we have been so long contending–if we mean not basely to abandon the noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest shall be obtained–we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us! They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength by irresolution and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power. The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave. Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable–and let it come! I repeat it, sir, let it come. It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace, Peace– but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms! Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it, Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me liberty or give me death!

18th Century Podcast: Episode 6 British Platoon Exercise 1764

Listen here: https://anchor.fm/cj123/episodes/18th-Century-Podcast-Episode-6-British-Platoon-Exercise-1764-e4afov/a-agvhbh

Summary

I have a special treat for you today! I’ll be reading from, A New Manual, And Platoon Exercise: With An Explanation. It’s a 1764 British Platoon exercise written by Adjutant General, Edward Harvey. I hope to give you a glimpse into the training of British forces during this time period.

Script

INTRO

Welcome back to the 18th Century Podcast, I’m your host Cj. In today’s episode, I have a special treat for you guys. Remember all the way back to episode 1 when I talked about my Virginia trip? Well, when I was at Colonial Williamsburg, I picked up a 1764 British Platoon Exercise Manual written by Adjutant General Edward Harvey. It’s a short little manual, and I’ll be reading it today. I hope this will give you a glimpse at the training of 18th Century Infantry training. When we get into future episodes on certain wars or battles, I hope this episode could provide some context to what the soldiers were doing on commands. The break today will be taken after command 35, and when we come back we’ll get into the last two portions of the manual. If you’d like to read the script for this episode and its citations, go to https://18thcentury.home.blog that’s 1, 8, t h, century dot home dot blog. Type the numbers don’t spell them. Alright guys, let’s get into the manual!

A NEW MANUAL, AND PLATOON EXERCISE: WITH AN EXPLANATION.

OUTRO

I hope this gave you a bit of an insight into the training of a British Platoon in the 18th Century. I do have a treat for you, if you go onto the website, link in the description of this episode, and click on the post for this podcast episode, scroll to the bottom and I’ve placed a video there of someone performing this exercise. I found it off of youtube, and it’s pretty interesting. the script and citations for this episode and all other episodes can be found at https://18thcentury.home.blog that’s 1, 8, t h, century dot home dot blog. Type the numbers don’t spell them. If you’d like to support the show, please share it. I’ve been your host Cj, and thank you for listening to this episode of the 18th Century Podcast.

Citations

Harvey, Edward. A NEW MANUAL, AND PLATOON EXERCISE: WITH AN EXPLANATION.1764.

Bonus! A video of the 1764 British Platoon Exercise!

18th Century Podcast: Episode 5 Bonus! A Reading Of The Declaration Of Independence

Listen here: https://anchor.fm/cj123/episodes/18th-Century-Podcast-Episode-5-Bonus–A-Reading-Of-The-Declaration-Of-Independence-e4d6sq/a-ahdibq

In Congress, July 4, 1776.

The unanimous Declaration of the thirteen united States of America, When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature’s God entitle them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness.–That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, –That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security.–Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.

He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his measures.

He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the mean time exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

He has endeavoured to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.

He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary powers.

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harrass our people, and eat out their substance.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislatures.

He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:

For Quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

For protecting them, by a mock Trial, from punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:

For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:

For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:

For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by Jury:

For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences

For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighbouring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:

For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.

He has constrained our fellow Citizens taken Captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavoured to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms: Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince whose character is thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people.

Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our Brittish brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common kindred to disavow these usurpations, which, would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends.

We, therefore, the Representatives of the United States of America, in General Congress, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by Authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be Free and Independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and the State of Great Britain, is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as Free and Independent States, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which Independent States may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of divine Providence, we mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes and our sacred Honor.

Georgia

Button Gwinnett

Lyman Hall

George Walton

North Carolina

William Hooper

Joseph Hewes

John Penn

South Carolina

Edward Rutledge

Thomas Heyward, Jr.

Thomas Lynch, Jr.

Arthur Middleton

Massachusetts

John Hancock

Maryland

Samuel Chase

William Paca

Thomas Stone

Charles Carroll of Carrollton

Virginia

George Wythe

Richard Henry Lee

Thomas Jefferson

Benjamin Harrison

Thomas Nelson, Jr.

Francis Lightfoot Lee

Carter Braxton

Pennsylvania

Robert Morris

Benjamin Rush

Benjamin Franklin

John Morton

George Clymer

James Smith

George Taylor

James Wilson

George Ross

Delaware

Caesar Rodney

George Read

Thomas McKean

New York

William Floyd

Philip Livingston

Francis Lewis

Lewis Morris

New Jersey

Richard Stockton

John Witherspoon

Francis Hopkinson

John Hart

Abraham Clark

New Hampshire

Josiah Bartlett

William Whipple

Massachusetts

Samuel Adams

John Adams

Robert Treat Paine

Elbridge Gerry

Rhode Island

Stephen Hopkins

William Ellery

Connecticut

Roger Sherman

Samuel Huntington

William Williams

Oliver Wolcott

New Hampshire

Matthew Thornton